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![]() ![]() The Tibetan government's position on negotiations with China The Xinhua News Agency published an article on 17 April I997, entitled "Dalai Lama's Negotiations Offer "Trickery" Hiding Separatist Intent." The article is a gross distortion of reality intended to mislead the international public. We, therefore, present below the gist of factual account of the relationship between the Tibetan leadership and the Chinese leadership from 1978 to 1997. We leave it to the international public to judge the sincerity of our efforts and why genuine negotiations have failed to take place. China demanded that His Holiness the Dalai Lama recognise Tibet as part of China as a pre-condition before any negotiations can start. This is tantamount to asking him to distort history. The facts: Until recently, Communist China based its claim to Tibet on the marriage of Tibetan king Songtsen Gampo to a Chinese princess in the seventh Century, conveniently forgetting the Tibetan king's senior queen, princess Brikuti Devi of Nepal. When Beijing could not sustain this position any longer, they shifted the period of their claim to the thirteenth century, basing it on the establishment of Mongol influence in Tibet. However, the Mongols are a different nation and the Chinese have always considered them as aliens. In 191I, when the Nationalist revolution toppled the Manchu dynasty, Sun Yatsen said that China had been occupied twice by foreign powers: the first by the Mongols and the second by the Manchu emperors. In any case, the Mongol influence in Tibet came to an end in 1350, eighteen years before China overthrew them. In 1949, when Nepal applied for UN membership, it cited its diplomatic relations with Tibet to prove that it was a sovereign nation. The UN accepted this argument and thus effectively recognised Tibet's status as a sovereign nation. During the UN General Assembly debate on Tibet, Irish Representative Frank Aitken stated: "For thousands of years, or for a couple of thousand years at any rate, (Tibet) was a free and as fully in control of its own affairs as any nation in this Assembly, and a thousand times more free to look after its own affairs that many of the nations here." The studies of International Commission of Jurists, the USA Congress, the German Bundestag and many other independent bodies testified to Tibet's independent status at the time of its invasion by China. Tibetan people, including His Holiness the Dalai Lama, acknowledge that the traditional Tibetan society was by no means perfect. However, people lived a life of contentment and free of starvation for 2,000 years until Chinese invasion in 1949. His Holiness the Dalai Lama initiated far-reaching reforms in Tibet as soon as he assumed temporal authority and continued to democratise the Tibetan society and political system. In 1960, the first representative form of government, through the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies (Tibetan Parliament in Exile) was introduced in India. In 1963, His Holiness the Dalai Lama promulgated a Constitution for the future Tibet based on the principles of modern democracy. In February 1992, His Holiness the Dalai Lama announced the "Guidelines for Future Tibet's Polity and the Basic Features of its Constitution" wherein he stated that he would not play any role in the future government of Tibet, let alone seek the Dalai Lama's traditional political position. The future government of Tibet, His Holiness the Dalai Lama said, would be elected by the people on the basis of adult franchise. The struggle of the Tibetan people is neither to restore the past traditional system nor for the restoration of die status of a few individuals. The Chinese government's claim of China historically granting the title of the Dalai Lama and approving the selection of the Dalai Lamas is false as evidenced by these two examples. The title of the "Talai (Dalai) Lama was first conferred on the third Dalai Lama, Sonam Gyatso, by the Mongol court of Altan Khan. The falsity of the Chinese claim that the selection of the 14th Dalai Lama was done with the approval of the Chinese government was exposed by Mr. Ngapo Ngawang Jigme, vice-chairman of the standing committee of the National People's Congress, in an article published in the Chinese official Tibet Daily on 31 August 1989: "Wu Zhongxin's claim of having presided over the enthronement ceremony on the basis of (this) photograph is a blatant distortion of historical facts." Wu Zhongxin was the leader of the Chinese delegation attending the enthronement ceremony along with the British and the representatives of other governments. The Chinese government always blames His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan government in exile for instability and unrest in Tibet. Let us not look for scapegoats. Let us see what the late Panchen Lama had to say about the real conditions in Tibet in an address to the members of the `Tibet Autonomous Region's' standing committee of the National People's Congress in Beijing 1987. Chinese population transfer into Tibet "The expense of keeping one Chinese in Tibet is equal to that of keeping four in China. Why should Tibet spent its money to feed them? ... Today, the Chinese personnel come to Tibet accompanied by their families. They are like the American mercenaries. They fight and die for money. This is ridiculous... Tibetans are the legitimate masters of Tibet. The wishes and the feelings of the people of Tibet must be respected." Education "The central government has frequently talked about the importance of learning and using the Tibetan language in Tibet. But it has done nothing to ensure its implementation. In Tibet we have very deplorable translation facilities... I could not find anyone capable of interpreting between Tibetan and English. Therefore, I had to use a Chinese interpreter and speak in Chinese. This must have given a very bad impression to outsiders. This fact proves how poor the standard of education is in Tibet." Leftist practice in Tibet "What are we gaining from the leftist practices in Tibet? Those with leftist ideology are suppressing everything. When comrade Hu Yaobang was disgraced recently, the leftist officials exploded firecrackers and drank in celebration. They commented that the stalwart supporter of the Tibetan people had been defeated." As for our "instigating", the Tibetan leadership has categorically denied, again and again, the allegations that we are behind demonstrations in Tibet and that we are engaging in some kind of terrorist acts. We have asked the Chinese Government to produce substantive evidence to support these serious allegations and also allow an independent international commission to visit Tibet and determine the real causes. We received no response from Beijing to date. Since China's invasion of Tibet in 1949, the Tibetan Government and His Holiness the Dalai Lama made consistent efforts to reach a peaceful solution to the Tibetan issue. To begin with, His Holiness the Dalai Lama visited Beijing in 1954 to meet with top Chinese leaders, including Chairman Mao. Unfortunately, China went back on all the assurances given to him which finally resulted in the National Tibetan Uprising on 10 March 1959, Thereafter, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had to escape to India followed by 80,000 Tibetans. From 1959 until 1979, the Tibetan Government in Exile and the Chinese Government had no contact. However, throughout this period His Holiness the Dalai Lama retained his hope of finding a peaceful solution to the problem of Tibet through contact and dialogue with the Chinese Government. Soon after coming to India, His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued a press statement in Mussoorie on 20 June 1959, wherein he said: "Although recent actions and policies of the Chinese authorities in Tibet have created strong feelings of bitterness and resentment against the Government of China, we, Tibetans, lay and monk alike, do not cherish any feelings of enmity and hatred against the great Chinese people... We must also insist on the creation of a favourable climate by the immediate adoption of the essential measures as a condition precedent to negotiations for a peaceful settlement." In the light of political changes in China after Chairman Mao's death in 1976, His Holiness the Dalai Lama in his 10 March Statement to the Tibetan people in 1978 said: "(T)he Chinese should allow the Tibetans in Tibet to visit their parents and relatives now in exile... Similar opportunity should be given to the Tibetans in exile. Under such an arrangement we can be confident of knowing the true situation inside Tibet." Towards the end of 1978, Mr. Gyalo Thondup, elder brother of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, was contacted through a common friend, by Mr. Li Juisin, director of Xinhua News Agency, in Hong Kong. As invited, Mr. Thondup made a private visit to Beijing in late February 1979 with the approval of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Mr. Thondup met with leading Chinese officials in Beijing. They told him that under the "Gang of Four" China had suffered great instability, affecting its development in the fields of industry and agriculture. Tibet also suffered as a result of this, they said, and added that the 1959 Uprising in Tibet was inspired by a number of factors for which His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan people could not be blamed. Mr. Deng Xiaoping said during his meeting with Mr. Thondup that China was willing to discuss and resolve with Tibetans all issues except the complete independence of Tibet His Holiness the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government responded by sending three fact-finding delegations to Tibet in 1979 and 1980. Since then His Holiness the Dalai Lama continued to make sincere efforts to develop closer contact and a better understanding with the Chinese Government. We took several confidence-building steps and other initiatives for negotiations. For example, on 21 July 1980. we suggested that travel restrictions on Tibetans willing to visit their relatives in and outside Tibet should be eased. This was rejected by Beijing. In September 1980, the exile Government offered to send about fifty named Tibetan teachers to help in Tibet. In response, China first stalled the matter by stating that since these Tibetan youths were brought up and educated in India with good facilities, they would face difficulties in adjusting to the poor living conditions in Tibet. Instead, they proposed that the teachers should first be sent to work in various Nationalities Schools within China. When the exile Tibetan government replied that the Tibetan volunteers were fully aware of the poor facilities in Tibet, left with no valid reason to deny permission, the Chinese Government put forward unacceptable pre-conditions by suggesting that the Tibetan teachers must first accept Chinese nationality. Around the same time the Tibetan suggestion to open a liaison office in Beijing to foster closer contacts was also turned down. On 14 December 1980, the Government in Exile asked the Chinese authorities to allow eleven Tibetan scholars, living in Tibet, to attend a conference of Tibetologists in India. This was met with an outright rejection. On 23 March 1981, His Holiness the Dalai Lama wrote a letter to Mr. Deng Xiaoping, in which, amongst other things, he stated; "Time has come to apply our common wisdom in the spirit of tolerance and broad-mindedness to achieve genuine happiness for the Tibetan people with renewed urgency. On my part, I remain committed to contribute to the welfare of all human beings and, in particular, the poor and the weak, to the best of my ability, without making any discrimination based on nationalities, I hope you will let me know your views on the foregoing points." There was no reply to this letter. Instead, on 28 July 1981, Chinese Communist Party General Secretary Hu Yaobang gave Mr. Gyalo Thondup a document, entitled "Five Point Policy Towards the Dalai Lama", which reduced the issue of Tibet to the personal status of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Since the only real issue is the future well-being of the Tibetan people, in April 1982, His Holiness the Dalai Lama sent a three-member high-level delegation to Beijing to have exploratory talks with the Chinese leadership. This delegation put forward a number of broad proposals for consideration by the Chinese leaders. Both parties agreed to keep the proceedings confidential. However, soon after the Tibetan delegation reached India on 8 June, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman gave a distorted version of the talks, alluding that our delegates have asked for the same status for Tibet as had been promised to Taiwan if it accepted unification. The Chinese spokesman was quoted by the Associated Press news dispatch of 18 June 1982, as having said; "There simply does not exist the question of applying the nine point policy to Tibet as in the case of Taiwan." Again in December 1982, China's official weekly, Beijing Review, published another distorted version of the proceedings of our talks. Nevertheless, the Tibetan side strictly adhered to its agreement of confidentiality and did not divulge the content of the talks even in response to queries from the press. As a result, the Tibetan Government in Exile suffered strong criticism from Tibetans and our supporters. In February 1983, His Holiness the Dalai Lama expressed his desire to visit Tibet. In October 1984, another three member, high-level delegation was sent to Beijing to ask the Chinese Government to end its latest political repression in Tibet, discuss arrangements for a possible visit of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, and to explore possibilities for future talks. The Chinese response to all these overtures were negative. To all these initiatives, the Chinese leadership showed no real interest in solving the Tibetan issue through serious and meaningful negotiations. In fact, it was becoming increasingly apparent that the leadership in Beijing was not sincere and serious and were trying to buy time to further tighten their grip on Tibet through various repressive measures. It was under these circumstances His Holiness the Dalai Lama was compelled to appeal directly to the international community for help by making public the proposals he had been putting forward to the Chinese leadership directly since 1979. Addressing the United States Congress human Rights Caucus on 21 September I 987, His Holiness the Dalai Lama released the Five Point Peace Plan for Tibet. The five points are:
Rejecting this proposal on 17 October 1987, the Chinese leadership accused His Holiness the Dalai Lama of widening the gulf between himself and their Government. Despite the uncivil response, His Holiness the Dalai Lama made an earnest effort to clarify the Tibetan position in a detailed fourteen-point note, conveyed to the Chinese Government on 17 December 1987. On 15 June 1988, at the European Parliament in Strasbourg, His Holiness the Dalai Lama made another detailed proposal, elaborating on the last point of the Five Point Peace Plan regarding negotiations. An advance copy of the text of his speech was given to the Chinese Government through its Embassy in New Delhi. Subsequently, His Holiness the Dalai Lama's Representative in New Delhi met the Chinese Charge d'Affaires in New Delhi on 22 and 29 August to clarify some of the misgivings the Chinese Government had raised through various press statements. Amongst other things, the Representative emphasised that the Strasbourg Proposal was very much within the parameters of Mr. Deng Xioaping's statement to Mr. Gyalo Thondup in 1979, which he said that everything, except the question of complete independence could be discussed and resolved. In the Strasbourg Proposal, His Holiness the Dalai Lama had put forward the notion of association with China rather than separation from it. Shortly afterwards, the names of the Tibetan negotiating team were released in order to convey the exile Tibetan government's willingness and sincerity to enter into serious negotiations. On 21 September 1988 morning, the Chinese Embassy in New Delhi informed a senior official of His Holiness the Dalai Lama that its Government was willing to have talks with the representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama and that the talks could be held either in Beijing or in Hong Kong, or at any Chinese Embassy or Consulate. If the Dalai Lama finds any of these places inconvenient, he can choose another venue. In the afternoon, the Chinese Embassy made public the above communication to the press in New Delhi. It was the Chinese Government which unilaterally decided to make their stand public contrary to the Chinese government's allegations against the Tibetan leadership. The Tibetan leadership welcomed the Chinese government's willingness for talks on 23 September 1988, stating: "We hope his positive response to our suggestions is an indication that the Chinese sincerely wish to deal with lie issue his time." On 25 October 1988 morning, the Chinese Government was informed through its New Delhi Embassy that the venue for talks should be Geneva which is the most convenient and neutral place, and that the talks should begin in January 1989. That afternoon, the Tibetan Government in Exile also released this information to the press in New Delhi as did the Chinese embassy on 21 September 1988. In early November 1988, Mr. Yang Minfu, head of China's United Front Work Department told Mr. Gyalo Thondup that although they differed in thinking over some points of the Strasbourg Proposal, these could be discussed and resolved. However, on 18 November 1988, the Chinese Government through its New Delhi Embassy, put forward the following pre-conditions for talks:
The Tibetan Government was naturally disappointed by this communication as it was inconsistent with the earlier public statements and official communications received from Beijing. On 5 December 1988, the Tibetan Government responded to the Chinese communications and said:
Despite repeated rejection by the Chinese government of all the previous proposals, His Holiness the Dalai Lama on 19 April 1989 took another initiative by suggesting to the Chinese through its embassy in New Delhi that he was willing to "send some representatives to Hong Kong in order to resolve the procedural issues with respect to the negotiations" and that "the obstacles to start the negotiations could be resolved by such face-to-face consultations." This suggestion was also turned down. In January 1989, when the Panchen Lama passed away in Tibet, His Holiness the Dalai Lama wanted to send a ten-member Tibetan religious delegation to Tashilhunpo Monastery in Shigatse and other areas in Tibet, such as Kumbum and Labrang Tashikyil for the purpose of offering prayers and performing a Kalachakra ceremony for the late Panchen Lama. China rejected the request on the ground that there was no precedence for prayers of this scale. The Chinese Government's invitation to His Holiness the Dalai Lama to attend the funeral ceremonies for the late Panchen Lama came when Tibet was under Martial Law. Naturally, it was not a conducive atmosphere to undertake the visit. On 21 March l991, the Chinese Government was informed through its New Delhi Embassy about His Holiness the Dalai Lama's offer to assist in the search for the reincarnation of the Panchen Lama. His Holiness expressed his desire to send a religious delegation to Lhamoi Lhatso, the sacred lake near Lhasa, to pray and observe prophetic visions in the lake. China rejected this proposal three months later by saying tat there is no need for "outside interference." Notwithstanding these frustrating and disappointing experiences, His Holiness the Dalai Lama did not want the situation to remain in stalemate. In October 1991, he made a fresh overture to the Chinese Government by suggesting a personal visit to Tibet, accompanied by some senior Chinese leaders, to make an on-the-spot assessment of the actual situation in Tibet. In the same spirit, His Holiness the Dalai Lama sought a meeting with the Chinese Premier, Li Peng, during the latter's visit to India in December 1991. These positive and constructive initiatives were also rejected. In view of these facts, the Assembly of Tibetan People's Deputies (Tibetan Parliament in Exile) on 23 January 1992, passed a resolution stating that so far all the initiatives have been from the Tibetan government's side and the responsibility to respond lay with China. The resolution further noted that the Tibetan Government would have no objection to negotiations if the overture came from the Chinese Government, either directly or through a third party. In April 1992, the Chinese Ambassador in New Delhi contacted Mr. Gyalo Thondup (who was then a member of the Tibetan Cabinet) and told him that the Chinese Government's position in the past had been "conservative", but that it was willing to be "flexible" if the Tibetans were prepared to be "realistic". The ambassador invited Mr. Thondup to visit China. Contrary to what the Chinese Ambassador said, there was no indication of flexibility in the Chinese Government's attitude when Mr. Thondup visited Beijing in June. As a matter of fact, very serious accusations were made against the person of His Holiness the Dalai Lama. His Holiness the Dalai Lama, therefore, sent a two-member delegation to China in June 1993 with a personal letter and a detailed memorandum addressed Mr. Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin to explain and clarify his views on the points raised by the Chinese Government. In the memorandum, His Holiness the Dalai Lama stated: "If China wants Tibet to stay with China, then it must create the necessary conditions for this. The time has come now for the Chinese to show the way for Tibet and China to live together in friendship. A detailed step by step outline regarding Tibet's basic stains should be spelled out. If such a clear outline is given, regardless of thepossibility and non-possibility of an agreement, we Tibetans can then make a decision whether to live with China or not. If we Tibetans obtain our basic rights to our satisfaction, then we are not incapable of seeing the possible advantages of living with the Chinese." In a sincere effort to remove misunderstanding and strengthen contact, in August 1993, another high-level three-member delegation was sent to meet with the Chinese ambassador in New Delhi. In this meeting the delegation gave to the ambassador all the texts of His Holiness the Dalai Lama's speeches since 1979 and was specifically requested to point out where His Holiness the Dalai Lama had demanded independence for Tibet. The delegation also suggested a mechanism of having regular monthly meetings at the Chinese embassy to exchange views and ideas as a confidence building measure. In an interview given by the Chinese ambassador to Reuter's Delhi correspondent on August 1993, the ambassador rejected these proposals. This is yet another example of sincere Tibetan attempt to build bilateral relations with Beijing being spurned by the Chinese side. On 27 April 1994, His Holiness the Dalai Lama while addressing the New York Alliance for World Security and the Council of Foreign Relations, said he was willing to "meet any member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo in a third country" to "make a breakthrough in the relationship." No positive response emerged from Beijing. Faced with such an intransigent position on the part of the Chinese leadership, His Holiness the Dalai Lama said in his 10 March statement of 1994; "I must now recognise that my approach has failed to produce any progress either for substantive negotiation or in contributing to the overall improvement of the situation in Tibet... I have left no stone unturned in my attempts to reach an understanding with the Chinese. We have had to place our hopes on international support and help in bring about meaningful negotiations, to which I still remain committed. If this fails, then I will no longer be able to pursue this policy with a clear conscience. I feel strongly that it would then be my responsibility, as I have stated many times in the last, to consult my people on the future course of our freedom struggle..," While preparations for the referendum have started in all earnestness, His Holiness the Dalai Lama has made it absolutely clear that there will be no change in his present Middle Way Approach until the final verdict of the referendum. It is wrong to say that he has closed the door for negotiations as alleged by the Chinese government. As regards the recent visit by His Holiness the Dalai Lama to Taiwan he stated on 24 February 1997: "Although my visit to Taiwan will be religious in nature, there are some who wish to interpret it politically. Therefore, I would like to take this opportunity to reiterate that the Tibetan struggle is neither anti-Chinese nor anti-China. Over the past many years, I have sought a peaceful resolution of the Tibetan problem through negotiations with the Chinese leadership in Beijing. I have proposed a framework for negotiations for self-rule for Tibet. These initiatives have been taken in genuine spirit of reconciliation and compromise. However, the government of the People's Republic of China has so far not responded positively. Nevertheless, I believe that the absence of Mr. Deng Xiaoping provides new opportunities and challenges for both the Tibetans and the Chinese." The Chinese leaders should know that there is no change in His Holiness the Dalai Lama's stand on negotiations, reiterated in his speech at the European Parliament on 23 October 1996: "I remain committed to negotiations with China, In order to find a mutually acceptable solution, I have adopted a "middle-way" approach, This is also in response to and within the framework of Mr. Deng Xiaoping's stated assurance that "anything except independence can be discussed and resolved." I regret very much that Mr. Deng Xiaoping has not been able to translate his assurance into reality. However, I am hopeful that his successors will see the wisdom of resolving our problem peacefully through negotiations. What I am striving for is a genuine self-government for Tibet. Today, I wish to reiterate our willingness to start negotiations with China anytime, anywhere without pre-condition." To conclude, it is our sincere hope that the new leadership in Beijing will show sincerity and good will in resolving the Tibetan issue at the earliest.
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